The Tokenization Of Tish James

Thanks to the election of Letitia James as the Democratic nominee for public advocate, the career prospects of white men are on the rise. And it’s just in the nick of time. With nearly every citywide office and all statewide offices currently in their possession, white males need all the help they can get. 

So it makes perfect sense that James’ victory now clears the way for a continuation of the status quo. Having paid lip service to women and minorities, Democratic county leaders can now back a white male Speaker in good conscience. This will surely come as a relief to the trailblazing candidate herself, who teared up on election night, no doubt at the thought of all the little boys who can now embrace their white male privilege. 

James’ election to citywide office as the first woman of color is being interpreted primarily as a triumph of tokenism, rather than a milestone in the fight for equal opportunity. Although The New York Times reported the historic nature of her victory, the same article noted that “political insiders” now consider the Speaker’s race “wide open” for white men. The logic is that if Daniel Squadron had won the primary, all three citywide offices would have been occupied by white men, thus intensifying pressure on the Council members and county bosses to elect a female or minority Speaker. Apparently James’ victory ameliorates such concerns: We can now have three white men in high office, thanks to one woman of color. This absurd analysis has been repeated in The Wall Street Journal, Crain’s and in almost every story about the campaign. 

There are three women of color in the race for Speaker: Inez Dickens, Melissa Mark-Viverito and Annabel Palma. Yet their immutable characteristics are now a liability rather than an asset because of James’ victory. That is backward, but according to the conventional wisdom being widely reported, it is the prevailing view of the five male county chairs, who wield considerable power in the race. Since the chairs are not accountable to the electorate, only their county committees, there’s no outside pressure to conform to a broad standard of equality beyond a token display. But standards desperately need raising. 

The current gender breakdown of the New York City Council is 17 women and 34 men, which amounts to the body being one-third female. Come January that number will drop to 27 percent as four seats currently held by women turn over to men (Quinn/ Johnson, Lappin/Kallos, Reyna/Reynoso, González/Menchaca), and one seat held by a man turns over to a woman (Charles Barron/Inez Barron). That’s still better than the state Legislature, where women make up 24 percent of the Assembly—and Speaker Silver has yet to face a serious challenge despite protecting sexual predators over female staffers. 

Over in the State Senate women represent a mere 17 percent, nearly tied with Congress’ 18 percent. Critical mass is defined as between 30 and 40 percent, so why apparently is the conclusion of the New York City political establishment to quit while we’re ahead after electing the first and only black woman to citywide office in our history? 

Tokenism creates a scarcity of options for marginalized peoples while allowing institutional bodies to affect the illusion of progress. The lucky few who win entry into the halls of power are fetishized and reduced to the sum of their politically correct parts. It also breeds resentment among the masses, who have to compete for even fewer slots. Malcolm Gladwell underscores the point in his newest book, David and Goliath, in which he lists 30 female heads of state who were never succeeded by another woman. That’s a shame, because it stifles continuity and makes it that much harder to extend the gains of previous policy agendas. 

To that end New Yorkers will lose a genuine champion of the advancement of women’s rights as Speaker Christine Quinn exits the Council. Despite her failings, which include dragging her feet on paid family leave and the minimum wage, Quinn made New York the first city in the world to collect data on street harassment—a demoralizing and often dangerous fact of life for many women. In so doing, she legitimized a problem that few acknowledge and editorial boards slam as a waste of tax dollars. Quinn also never shied away from admonishing sexism, and there has yet to be a Quinnipiac poll asking the public if they would want their daughters working in city government, unlike at the state level where 58 percent of New Yorkers recoil at the thought. Above all, her commitment to making the world a better place for women and girls was sincere—something we need more of, not less. 

Alexis Grenell (@agrenell on Twitter) is a Democratic communications strategist based in New York. She handles nonprofit and political clients.